A new compact to foster a fairer society in China

It may not be as significant as the epochal 1978 event that transformed communist China and put it on a path to becoming the world's No. 2 economy but the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) recent policy summit might still claim a spot in history.

The Third Plenary Session of the party's current Central Committee has notched several key outcomes: producing the most comprehensive slate of reforms by a new leadership in the history of third plenums, and signalling the emergence of President Xi Jinping as China's strongest supremo in at least a decade.

Most of all, the Third Plenum, as it is called, could prove to be the start of the CCP's efforts to forge a new compact with the people - one that goes beyond the provision of economic growth and social stability to fostering a fairer and more just society.

The words fairness and justice (gongping and zhengyi in Chinese) appeared no fewer than 20 times in the 22,000-word report released last Friday that detailed the 60 "decisions" of the plenum spanning the usual economic and social realms, and new areas such as cyberspace, defence, national security and the environment.

In contrast, these words appeared seven times in the 11,500-word plenum report in 2003, and three times in the 15,800-word report in 2008.

Appearing 20 times in a report of more than 20,000 words may strike some as negligible but Professor Xu Yaotong of the Chinese Academy of Governance said it reflects "a clear intent in meeting the people's growing desire for fairness and justice".

"It is also the spirit of the reform pledges," he told The Straits Times. "Instead of outlining vague policy directions, the specific measures aimed at promoting fairness and justice show a resolve in building a new type of relationship with the people."

These measures include promoting fairer competition between state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and private firms; deepening tax reforms to advance "societal fairness"; ensuring that farmers get fair compensation for their land; and beefing up the judiciary so that citizens can better enjoy "gongping zhengyi".

In the decades since the Third Plenum in 1978 that saw Deng Xiaoping's re-emergence and China's first steps towards opening up and reform, the compact was based on the CCP delivering economic growth and social stability in return for continuing its one-party rule.

After all, poverty was rampant in China emerging from a tumultuous Cultural Revolution. When the people's focus was on filling the stomach, fairness and justice naturally occupied a lower place.

But as the country and people got richer, disgruntlement over unfairness - such as the uneven playing field between private firms and powerful state firms, a widening income gap and the failure of the CCP-controlled judicial system to protect the rights of the "common Zhou" - has grown.

China watcher Barry Naughton said "one of the most interesting outcomes" of the plenum is an attempt by the leadership to build a new compact with the people.

"This responds to a very real demand in Chinese society," the University of California San Diego analyst told The Straits Times. "As China becomes wealthier, and people are less insecure economically, they demand more in the way of fairness and equal access."

Also, the CCP sees the need to act now in view of its urbanisation push to get more Chinese living in cities, so as to harness their spending power and fuel China's economic growth with domestic demand, said University of Sydney analyst Kerry Brown.

"As the party creates the framework for an urban society, so it changes the relationship between ruler and ruled because in effect, it is sanctioning the emergence of a middle class of consumers, whose demands are very different to those who are rural," he said.

The CCP also has to take steps now - and appears to be doing so - to build a fairer society so as to bolster its political legitimacy that has been damaged by official corruption, poor handling of environmental problems and the stagnation of political reforms.

The rising number of incidents of random violence carried out by disenfranchised individuals shows that discontentment over unfairness and injustice has reached boiling point. Inaction could destabilise the society and hurt China's growth ability over the long run.

But of course, whether the leadership succeeds in building a new compact is another question.

For instance, there is a limit to how far Mr Xi will go to promote a fairer playing field for private entrepreneurs while not rocking the SOEs' interests too much lest it sparks a push against his rule.

Mr Xi's now well-known obsession with maintaining the rule of the CCP also means key institutions such as the judiciary will not be truly independent. Other factors, such as effective implementation of the pledged reforms by the bureaucracy, are also crucial.

Some may also question whether notions of a fair and just society could even exist in China without addressing fundamentals such as the lack of universal suffrage.

But as Prof Xu pointed out, sceptics could do with a little patience for China to move first on the less sensitive aspects before tackling the hard nuts, such as direct elections. Also, while political reforms may not materialise soon, if Chinese society becomes fairer on other fronts that affect the people's daily living, it can only be a good thing.

Mr Xi has struck some as a pragmatist who is open to employing any tool as long as the party's power is kept intact. He may realise that a fairer society could quell the discontentment against the CCP, burnish his political legacy and buy him time to do the things that he wants to do.

For now, as Professor Naughton put it, we have to wait and see if the plenum does lead China down a fairer and more just path. "If we were someday to look back on this aspect of the communique and say that it was the beginning of this shift, then it would be truly historical," he said.

kianbeng@sph.com.sg

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