BURMA - As the Burmese election approaches, the military junta increasingly tightens the screws to ensure that nothing will go wrong on November 7. The outcome would favour the surrogate parties run by military appointed politicians apart from themselves.

To prepare for that eventuality, several senior military leaders including General Than Shwe, General Maung Aye, General Shwe Mann and others have retired. Although they are out of their green uniforms, they are still totally in control of Burmese lives. Don't be fooled by the colour of their shirts.

House-arrested Aung San Suu Kyi has called on voters to boycott this election, which will be used as a tool to further entrench the power wielders in the military.

With or without an election, the tatmadaw will continue to reign supreme. With the election, 25 per cent of seats in the House of Nationalities (220) and the House of Representatives (440) would be filled by military appointed names. Retired generals who get elected are not counted as part of this group's quota.

Over 1,000 politicians, nominees of the military junta, belonging to the Union of Solidarity and Development Party would probably take up most of the seats.

At least 500 candidates from pro-democracy parties are contesting against the junta cronies. But they are faced with all kinds of political barriers to prevent them from fully participating in the November election. For instance, political candidates need US$500 (S$678) to register their name. It is ridiculous that such an impoverished country would require such a high fee.

Indeed, while it is still fresh in the public memory, the junta is making use of the progress made during the rehabilitation of devastation brought about by the 2008 Nargis Cyclone to woo voters.

More than $600 million, mainly from the West but coupled with China, Japan, Thailand and Singapore were injected into the country's economy and helped to alleviate the plight of millions of affected villagers. The junta has claimed credits repeatedly for these outside contributions.

Therefore, the junta is working hard to prevent foreign elements, including humanitarian officials working under the Nargis scheme, from finding out what it is doing and having access to the electoral process and constituencies. They fear the aid workers would tell all on what they witness during the election.

As usual, journalists are barred from covering the event. International observers, according to the junta, are not needed because they have sufficient experience in organising an election. Even the offer by Asean to dispatch a team of observers during the election has been turned down.

Asean has to ponder very carefully now whether to give carte blanche endorsement to the poll's outcome. The junta has already displayed strong signs that international appeal for a free, fair and inclusive election would not be heeded.

Asean has already suffered from the past 13 years after Burma's admission. To remedy the situation, Asean has to take a firm stand on the upcoming poll. After all, Asean is a rule-based organisation which respects democratic values and international norms. Failure to do so would tamper further the grouping's ambition to become an international player.